Case Study †Sources of International Law, ‘Non-binding’ agreements & Treaties

Abstract International agreements are frequently entered into by sovereign States and international organisations. Whilst many of them are formal treaties and thus have binding effect, others do not fit into this category and thereby remain non-binding agreements. This often leads to a great deal of dispute resolution procedures taking place since it is generally quite difficult to determine whether an agreement is binding or not. Using Iran as a case study, an agreement that has recently been entered into will be reviewed in order to determine its legal effects and consequences. Introduction A Treaty is a written agreement that has been entered into by international law actors, such as international organisations and sovereign States. A Treaty is thus a type of contract that allows parties to voluntary enter into the agreement in order to be bound by its terms (Fitzmaurice and Elias, 2005: 10). Accordingly, treaties are â€Å"the only way States can create international law consciously† (Dixon, 2007: 26) and may either be bilateral or multilateral. The legal status of the agreement between Germany and the five permanent members of the Security Council (SC) and Iran will be reviewed in order to consider its legal status, whether it is binding and whether it will prevail over previously SC resolutions. The equality of States doctrine will also be considered in order to establish whether it is workable in practice. The legal status of this agreement. Is this a TreatyWhy? The ‘Treaty of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons’ is a multilateral Treaty that opened for signatory at London, Moscow and Washington on the 1st July 1968 and entered into force on the 5th March 1970. The TTreaty currently has 190 State Parties, 93 signatories and 4 Depositary Governments(UN, 1968: 1). Under this Treaty Iran has been able to develop a nuclear programme that has been regarded suspicious by many other countries (Kerr, 2013: 2). Despite this Iran has persistently claimed that the peaceful nature of its activities aimed to develop nuclear energy. Consequently, Iran has thus entered into an agreement with the Security Council and Germany in order to put an end to all sanctions being inflicted upon them. Whether this will arouse further suspicion is arguably, yet the agreement, also known as the ‘Joint Action Plan’, is also a ‘Treaty’ in that it imposes obligations upon the State parties; Case Concerning the Gabcikovo-Nagymaros Pro ject (Hungary v Slovakia) (1998) 37 ILM 162. Furthermore, because this is a legally binding agreement between the State parties that has been created by two or more subjects of international law, it can be recognised as having Treaty status. Under the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties all States have the capacity to make treaties. This can be made available to the SC under Article 43 (3) of the UN Charter. Again, this further indicates how this agreement is capable of being a Treaty (Hollis, 2012: 75). Nevertheless, the parties to the agreement must intend for it to be binding at international law (Villiger, 1985: 35). This does appear to be the case given that the agreement contains a unilateral Statement because as was confirmed by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in Australia v France, New Zealand v France 1974 ICJ Rep 253; unilateral statements of States are legally binding in appropriate circumstances. The legal status of this agreement is that it is therefore a Treaty and legally binding. As such, Iran will no longer be sanctioned for developing a nuclear programme, which they claim to be for peaceful purposes. Are Resolutions of the SC sources of International Law/Binding? Resolutions of the SC generally have binding effect; Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding SC Resolution 276 (1970) Advisory Opinion of 21 June 1971, although there has been some focus by the ICJ on their other effects, such as authorising effect and (dis)empowering effect (Basak, 1969: 385). The effect of the resolution will, nonetheless, depend entirely on its type . This is because a SC resolution may either be a recommendation or a decision, which are not clearly defined in the Charter. As a result, it is often difficult to determine the legal effects of such resolutions (Johnson, 1955: 107), however the Court generally refers to binding resolutions as decisions and non-binding resolutions as recommendations; Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, Paragraph 2 of the Charter) [1962] ICJ Rep 151, at 163. SC resolutions resolution are binding if they create obligations on its recipients and if they are made under Chapter VII (Action with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace and Acts of Agression). Since the ‘Joint Action Plan’ agreement imposes obligations on its State parties and contains a threat to the peace, it is likely that this will again render it a binding resolution. However, it has been pointed out by Hollis that the agreement is not binding on the basis that it â€Å"implies something aspirational rather than required.†(Hollis, 2013: 1). This is evident from the wording; â€Å"The goal for these negotiations is to reach a mutually-agreed long-term comprehensive solution that would ensure Iran’s nuclear programme will be exclusively peaceful (Geneva, 2014: 1). Therefore, whilst it seems that the agreement is a legally binding resolution, the fact that only recommendations are being made may suggest that it is not and sceptics ha ve argued that the plan is â€Å"just a false front for the Iranians in order to have sanctions lifted† (Midwest Diplomacy, 2013: 1). Therefore, although SC sources of international law are binding, it has been questioned whether Iran should be provided with the ability to develop their nuclear programme even further as this could have disastrous effects (Zand, 2014: 1). In case of conflict between this agreement and previous SC Resolutions which one should prevail? The determination as to whether SC decisions possess an overriding binding effect will be determined on a case by case basis. However, it is usually the case that SC recommendations will not have an overriding binding effect; Questions of Interpretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention Arising from the Aeriel Incident at Lockerbie (Libya v UK) Preliminary Objection [1998] ICJ Rep 9, at 26, whilst SC decisions will; Reparation for Injuries Suffered in the Service of the United Nations [1949] ICJ Rep 174. Therefore, if the ‘Joint Action Plan’ is merely a recommendation then this will not be binding and will therefore not prevail over previous SC Resolutions. If the agreement is a decision, however, then it will be prevail as it will have a binding effect. In Lockbie, Provisional Measures [1992] ICJ Rep 3 it was held by the ICJ that pre-empting obligations that flow from traditional sources of international law can be overridden by the normative powers of th e SC in order to ensure that peace and security is maintained, yet the binding effect of resolutions will depend on their language, the discussions leading up to it and the provisions of the Charter being invoked (Oberg, 2005: 879). In Application for Review of Judgment no. 273 of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal (‘Mortished affair’) [1982] ICJ Rep 325 Resolution 34/165 reversed the prior decision in Resolution 33/119 in order to avoid two incompatible legal effects co-existing. Therefore, because SC Resolutions 1696 (2006) of 21 July 2006 and 1737 (2006) of 26 December 2006 will be incompatible with the new agreement, they may be reversed if the new agreement has an overriding binding effect. This is highly beneficial for Iran since they deemed the previous resolutions unfair on the basis that they had received different treatment to other States. Comment on the parties of this agreement. What does it say about the equality of States in practice? The doctrine of equality of States covers both legal equality and political equality. Legal equality deals with the legal relations that exist between States, whilst political equality deals with the distribution of economic and military power between States. Because Iran appears to have been given exceptional powers under the new agreement, it is likely that these new powers will be considered contrary to this principle. This is because Iran is effectively being given additional powers to control its nuclear program and is also being protected from any sanctions imposed by other States. As the doctrine seeks to ensure that all States are treated equally under international law, States ought to have the same rights and responsibilities as each other (Kelsen, 1952: 156). As this is not being effectuated under this agreement, it is clear that this principle is being contravened. Nevertheless, there is an exception to the doctrine in cases where there has been a ‘breach of the p eace’ or an ‘act of aggression’ that threatened international peace and security. Therefore, because Iran has stated that they aimed to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, the violation of this doctrine will be permitted (Nahar, 2005: 1). This agreement thereby illustrates that the equality of States doctrine may not actually be workable in practice since the doctrine may be contravened if the aim is to maintain international peace and security. Conclusion Overall, it appears as though Iran’s agreement with the SC and Germany is a Treaty and will therefore have binding effect. This is because the agreement has been made purely to maintain peace and security. Although Iran’s activities have been met with some suspicion over the years, they have continued to state that the peaceful nature of their activities merely aimed to develop nuclear energy. As this agreement does appear to be a Treaty, it is likely that it will be capable of prevailing over previous SC resolutions. This is welcoming for Iran who were subjected to unfairness as a result of resolutions 1696 and 1737, although not all would agree with this decision. Hence, many would argued that the agreement conflicts with the equality of States doctrine. Nevertheless, because Iran have stated that they are acting in the interests of national security, the doctrine will be capable of being breached. Accordingly, the Doctrine is therefore not always workable and in thi s instance, Iran are being treated more favourably than other States. References Basak, A. (1969) ‘Decisions of the United Nations Organs in Judgements and Opinions of the International Court of Justice’; Thierry, Resolutions of international bodies in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice, Collected Courses, Volume 167. Johnson, A. (1955) ‘The Effect of Resolutions of the General Assembly of the United Nations’, 32 British Year Book of International Law 97. Dixon, M. (2007) Textbook on International Law, London, Oxford University Press. Geneva. (2013) ‘Joint Plan of Action’ [Online], Available: http://im.ft-static.com/content/images/d0fa3682-5523-11e3-86bc-00144feabdc0.pdf [15 January, 2014]. Fitzmaurice, M. and Elias, O. A. (2005) Contemporary Issues in the Law of Treaties, Netherlands, Eleven International Publishing. Hollis, D. B. (2012) The Oxford Guide to Treaties, London, Oxford University Press. Hollis, D. B. (2013) ‘The New Iran Deal Doesn’t Look Legally Binding. Does It Matter?’ Opinio Juris, [Online], Available: http://opiniojuris.org/2013/11/24/new-us-iran-deal-doesnt-look-legally-binding-matter/ [14 January 2014]. Kelsen, H. (1952) Principles of International Law, London, The Lawbook Exchange. Kerr, P. K. (2013) ‘Iran’s Nuclear Program: Tehran’s Compliance with International Obligations’ Congressional Research Service, CRS Report, R40094. Oberg, M. D. (2005) ‘The Legal Effects of Resolutions of the UN Security Council and General Assembly in the Jurisprudence of the ICJ’ European Journal of International Law, Volume 16, Issue 5. Midwest Diplomacy. (2013) ‘Understanding Iran and the Nuclear ‘Joint Plan of Action’ [Online], Available: http://egiuliani.wordpress.com/2013/11/24/understanding-iran-and-the-nuclear-joint-plan-of-action/ [14 January 2014]. Nahar, S. (2005) ‘Sovereign Equality Principle in International Law’ [Online], Available: http://www.globalpolitician.com/print.asp?id=4351 [14 January 2014]. (1968) ‘Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons’ Multilateral, [Online], Available: https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%20729/volume-729-I-10485-English.pdf [13 January, 2014]. Villiger, M. E. (1985) Customary International Law and Treaties: A Study of their interactions and interrelations, with special consideration of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, BRILL. Zand, L. (2014) ‘Organisations Warn Senate Against New Iran Sanctions’ Fellowship of Reconciliation, [Online], Available: http://forusa.org/blogs/leila-zand/62-organizations-warn-senate-against-new-iran-sanctions/12813 [20 January, 2014].

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was drafted in 1948 and one of the articles, article XXVI deals with protection of the fundamental rights, right to education: (1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit. (2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. (3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children. The right to education is a universal right and is recognized as a hum an right. It includes the right to free, non biased and non political primary education for everyone, to make secondary education at least accessible to everyone and make access to higher education.The right to education also provides the obligation to avoid discrimination at all educational levels and to improve quality of education. Furthermore, the European Court of Human Rights defined „education as teaching or instructions in particular to the transmission of knowledge and to intellectual development† and in a wider sense as â€Å"the whole process whereby, in any society, adults endeavor to transmit their beliefs, culture and other values to the young. â€Å" The rights to educations have been separated into three levels.Primary also known as elemental or fundamental education must be compulsory and free for any young person. It must not be discriminatory on nationality, gender, sexuality, etc. All countries ratifying the International Covenant on Economic, Socia l and Cultural Rights States must provide free primary education within two years. Secondary education must be available and accessible to anyone regardless of nationality, gender, or sexuality. It can be free or not, and it can be compulsory, but it does not have to be.In some countries, even though minority, secondary education is compulsory, for example in Denmark, Croatia, Finland, etc. Higher education at the University level must be accessible to persons who meet necessary education standards to be able to go to universities. Higher education does not falls under the provision of free education. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) proclaims that: „Everyone has the right to educationâ€Å", the question is to what kind of education or who should provide it?The fact is that UDHR was drawn up in 1948 when only a minority of young people in the world had access to any type of education, however, today we can say that situation is much better, showing that four out of five adults worldwide have some literacy skills. The purpose of the UDHR's article XXVI is not just having quantative aspect, but also qualitative. The UDHR's article XXVI has certain provisions that must be fulfilled in order to have qualitative education, such provisions are: „Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stagesâ€Å"and „Elementary education shall be compulsoryâ€Å".Today educational opportunities have significantly changed in most parts of the world especially in Europe, North America, and Asia, nevertheless Africa remains the main problem regarding the number of educated people. Another interesting point has been made over the years, whether educational institutions are ready to provide qualitive education to young people, and prepare them for social, economical, and political aspects of human life.The commitment of the international community to implement the rights set out in the UDHR, mainly to adopt certain measur es to ensure effective recognition, has taken different forms from international treaties to internationally agreed programmers. The UDHR's rights and standards do not have force of law, however, the UDHR's rights have been transformed into treaty provisions making legal obligation on the states that ratified the treaty to provide citizens with free and qualitative education on at least primary level.The right to education is dealt with in Articles XIII and XIV of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and is also mentioned in Article XVIII(4) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. As I previously mentioned almost all countries in the world have adopted and ratified treaties concerning right to education, but only some of them left doors open to individual citizens in their countries to challenge their own country for not complying with the provisions that they set in the treaties if that is the case.In all Western Europe countries which have highly developed legal system, now exists a body of case law in regard to the right to education. Besides international treaties, countries worldwide have adopted other instruments for implementation of the right to education, from Recommendations of international conferences of States, to Declarations and Programmes or Frameworks for Action adopted by intergovernmental conferences, or by ‘mixed’ conferences composed of representatives of governments, international organizations and civil society such as the World Conference on Education for All.The recommendations agreed by international conferences of states do not have the legally binding force as treaties, thus, they are normally adopted by consensus on the understanding that country will make everything in its power to implement provisions. In the world’s perception of the right to education changes has been made in the few past decades. the changes occurred in three phases or stages.In the first phase, lasting from the late 1940s up until the early 1960s, international concern over the provision of ‘fundamental education’ came to focus particularly on literacy and expansion of elementary of primary education in developing countries. The second phase started in the mid 1960s until the late 1970s when focus passed on functional illiteracy and expansion of elementary education continued. In the last phase, from 1980s until the present functional literacy was regarded as an aspect of learning needs. Two general points for educational policy can be made.The first is national efforts to reach out to those illiterate adults especially in Africa and the second to expand access to elementary education for the younger generation again mainly in Africa. These two points are the grounds for fulfillment of the UDHR article XXVI – right to education. Other provisions can be only partially fulfilled such as free education, but two provisions I mentioned can be fulfille d entirely in the whole world. The assessment of the fulfillment of the right to education is done by using so called 4As framework, which means that education must be available, adaptable, acceptable, and accessible.This 4A framework was developed by Mrs. Katarina Tomasevski, the former UN Special Rapporteur on the right to education. This 4A framework is intended to be applied on the governments, parents, and teachers. I will briefly explain these 4 As. Availability means that education must be funded mainly by the governments, education must be universal, free, and compulsory. The governments must ensure necessary infrastructure and educational materials for students and professors. Facilities intended to be schools must satisfy all safety standards, and all each school must have enough professional educators.Adaptability means that educational programs should be flexible and schools must respect all religious holiday. Adequate care must be given to student and professors with di sabilities. Accessibility means all children must have access to school regardless of race, religion, gender, nationality or social status. School must be within a reasonable distance for children, and if necessary transportation must be provided. Children must be supplied with all necessary textbooks and uniforms without additional costs.Acceptability means that education that will be provided to students must be culturally appropriate and without if discrimination. Professors and methods of teaching must be objective, and all textbooks must not be bias or forcing single idea or belief. Professors must be at highest possible level of professionalism. UNESCO has several instruments for monitoring the implementation of the UDHR right of education with the support of Member States, various international organizations, the intellectual community, etc.Thus, UNESCO's constitution requires that member states must submit periodic reports on the implementation and development of the right t o education. The articles VI and VIII of the UNESCO constitutions provides: „Each Member State shall submit to the Organization, at such time and in such manner as shall be determined by the General Conference, reports on laws, regulations and statistics relating to its educational, scientific and cultural institutions and activities, and on the action taken upon the recommendations and conventionsâ€Å".United Nation bodies which deal with human rights periodically receive reports from Member States, governmental and non-governmental organizations on implementation and violations of human rights including the right to education. The Committee on the Rights of the Child and the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women are just two treaty bodies out of several which monitor the implementation of the right to education. Thus, it is important that two treaty bodies I mentioned above closely cooperate with UNESCO in order to protect human rights.I t is important to mention five international treaties which relate to education and protection of such right: International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Convention against Discrimination in Education, Protocol Instituting a Conciliation and Good Offices Commission to be Responsible for Seeking the Settlement of any Disputes which may arise between States Parties to the Convention Against Discrimination in Education, Convention on the Rights of the Child, and Convention on Technical and Vocational Education.Besides to all the efforts of the United Nation, UNESCO, various international agencies and organization to implement UDHR's provisions mainly article XXVI, many governments still give too little attention to protection of human rights. Hugh amount of money are being injected in military development and maintenance, while education as the important pillar of the modern society still stays on the margins of the governments budgets.Mrs. Katarina Tomasevski, the former UN Special Rapporteur on the right to education wrote interesting comparison stating that there are 150 soldiers for every 100 teachers in the world. She additionally stated that only 2% of educational funds come from international aid. Thus, in many African countries even primary education is not free and education simply becomes too expensive for the poor families in those countries.Education cannot survive without money, and implementation and protection of the right to education depends upon the funds that governments and international organizations are willing to provide. We can conclude that only Europe and North America managed to satisfy all the requirements stated in the United Declaration of Human Rights article XXVI. There is still a lot of work to be done to copy this example to the rest of the world, especially in Africa, where education is only one problem among many others. References: The United Nations Right to education organization United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization The State of the Right to Education Worldwide: Free or Fee World education report. 2000. Unesco Publishing.

Global business managers should consider and deal with the knowledge Essay

Global business managers should consider and deal with the knowledge management challenges in a holistic manner taking into a - Essay Example â€Å"There are various ways used in gathering and dispensing of information and this is done in various departments† (Adas 2010, p. 30). They include human resource department, marketing department or information technology department. Data can be gathered from secondary and primary sources. There are many research secondary sources that provide information needed by a company. Trade magazines, newspapers articles, libraries, government agencies and the internet can be used as secondary sources. Primary sources involve collection of information through ways such as observation, networking, interviewing, focus groups or experimentation. Questionnaires are also used for collecting data. Observation is the simplest method. Networking is a more of an informal method to gather primary data from experts (Anderson 2006, p. 35). Business managers use knowledge for organization objectives like sharing intelligence, improving the performance of a company, for competition or innovation. Knowledge transfer is either through training, peer discussions and mentoring programs. For example, a company solves the problem of culture barrier by teaching different cultures of people to its employees. Learning different cultures of people help in understanding them well and hence avoid work conflicts (Anderson 2009, p. 56). Offering training to employees is important because it improves working efficiency. Dealing with Knowledge Management Challenges Global business managers should deal with the knowledge management challenges in a holistic manner in order to achieve their business goals. There are various knowledge management challenges that need to be solved in order to achieve goals. Information collected is sometimes not accurate and this affects decision making in a company. Global business managers should deal with this problem of data inaccuracy by validating the information presented to them. There is another problem of data misinterpretation (Allen 2011, p.98) Infor mation gathered should be interpreted the way it is. Data biasness results in making the wrong conclusion. Data collectors and researchers in a company should be very careful in recording the information given (Bartlett 2002, p. 34). They are not supposed to record mistakes or include information that is not provided by the respondent. Another transnational strategy of managing information is by having a good system of storing information. FedEx is a company known to have a good paperless system of storing data of its employees. They have programs called PRISM HIRS which records any information pertaining to a worker. This programs record jobs posting, applicants and training information (Birkinshaw 2001, p. 23). It is important to maintain this strategy because information can never be lost. Information stored in files is mostly misplaced. The information stored in this system can be accessed any time. Importance of International Knowledge Management International knowledge managem ent is important for global business managers because they will get and share knowledge concerning global markets. This is explained in the Theory & practice of knowledge management. There will be sharing of explicit knowledge from the international world. This is the transnational strategy used by global firms. This is important because the global environment is complex and need to be studied well. There are

Critically assess the arguments in support of and against the Essay

Critically assess the arguments in support of and against the acknowledgement of the legally binding nature of the right to wate - Essay Example This right to an adequate standard of living is in turn enshrined in a number of international human rights treaties. The rationale herein is that it would be impossible to uphold these international human rights treaties without making the right to water legally binding. As a mater of fact, water is one of the most basic needs for mankind. Some of these treaties include the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The strength of this argument is well underscored by these treaties being binding, since they enjoy near global ratification1. In a closely related wavelength, Nordblom, Reeson and Finlayson2 observe that the rationale behind the argument in favour of the legalisation of the right to water is that this move is a landmark decision that would irrevocably bring ameliorations on the lives of billions of people who are still unable to access water and proper sanitation, with children and women being at the centre of this rationale. Particularly, it is pointed out that about 1.5 million children under the age of 5 years die of diarrhoea, annually, due to the inability to access clean water. This argument is very valid, given that it acknowledges the fact that this inability to access clean water exacerbates gender disparity. The issue of gender comes into play herein, since lack of access to clean water affects women, girls and children than men. Another rationale behind this move is that it had been ratified by major players in international relations. Particularly, according to Gunduz3, the Human Rights Council as the main body of the United Nations on human rights had furthered this move, as a resolution that had been tabled and supported by Spain, Germany, France, Britain and other member states of the UN. This move was pursuant to the July 2010 resolution of the UN General Assembly which had recognised access to water and proper sanitation as a fundamental huma n right. This move had to have legally binding obligations, in order for this observation to remain binding. Conversely, such a move in the UN General Assembly of 2010 was propounded by the rationale that despite water being an essential commodity or element in human life, yet a very significant fraction of the world’s fraction could not access it. Particularly, the UN quoted research results obtained by its Independent Experts to divulge that while 1 billion people are not able to access improved or standardised sources of water, 3 billion have no taps in their homes. The import of this is that there are billions of people consuming unsafe water. It is also important to note that the report that was tabled by the Independent Experts also helped reinforce the ideas on the legalisation of the right to water because it also aimed at ensuring quality in accessibility to water and sanitation, and not just quantity. Other scholars such as Pink4 and Kibassa5 argue that the move to make the right to water legally binding was also imperative if a larger input by other stakeholder was to be realised. Particularly, the recognition of water as a human right and a legally binding reality by the Human Rights Council set the standard for all water services providers to follow, whether these providers are in private or public ventures. The import

Delinguent Youth Subcultures Gangs Research Paper

Delinguent Youth Subcultures Gangs - Research Paper Example Historical Overview Unlawful and criminal subcultures have a long history in industrialized populations. Some experts purports that the dawning of adolescent subcultures, including the delinquent varieties, occurred in the sixteenth century when humongous social changes took place. While others believe that the advent of Capitalism and the Industrial Revolution in Western Europe, which left countless people unemployed and impoverished and disturbed families and communities, gave rise to the criminal tendencies of people, especially of the youth. These ‘dangerous sectors’ of society roamed the countryside and victimized travelers in order to survive, and eventually settled in metropolitan areas -- still subsisting on whatever means available, including theft, robbery and extortion (Cressey, 1983). In the United States, however, there is no certainty as to the exact time when youth gangs appeared. The earliest record confirming their existence traces back to 1783, when the American Revolution ended. Allegedly, these delinquent youths surfaced in a time when the urban conditions of the country overwhelmed them. Meanwhile, other investigators deemed that youth gangs originally came forth after the Mexican Revolution in 1813, when massive Mexican migrations to the Southwest happened. The young members of these new settlers, as hypothesized, might have experienced many difficulties in adjusting to the American way of life, notwithstanding their extreme poverty (Klein, 1995). The Baby Boom, following the Second World War, and the heightened affluence of young people during the Post-World War II economic prosperity of the US combined to fashion a great youth market with economic power who started to create its own identity and groups. At the same period, the young were spending more time in school and their mothers who joined the labor force were away from home, hence parenting and child discipline were somehow neglected. These circumstances of social chan ge, including the strong influence of media, brought about the subculture of young delinquents (Schwartz, 1987). Youth gangs in the United States during the early 19th century were primarily composed of Irish, Italian and Jewish ethnic groups, alongside the Hispanics (Sante, 1991). But in the 1950s, Chinese youth gangs proliferated exponentially. Chin (1996) traced its development to ancient secret society and Triad traditions back to China. As political castaways who were disfavored and alienated in the Asian nation, these US immigrants formed clandestine assemblies and activities such as gambling, prostitution and drug-trafficking. Rivalry among this disintegrated secret society led to violence, while inherent competition and discrimination against its American-born and other ethnic counterparts more often than not resulted in riots, if not heinous crimes (Chin, 1996). Theoretical Underpinnings Although there is no absolute and universally-accepted definition of youth gangs, it is the general consensus of scholars that they are groups whose members meet regularly and whose membership is group-selected based on certain group-defined criteria (Short & Hughes, 2006). Furthermore, they are mostly consisting of a sectoral group who share common identity, values and tradition. Youth who belong to gangs range from ages 12 to 24 (Franzese,

Shakespeare and Film Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Shakespeare and Film - Essay Example Kurosawan depiction of Shakespearean heroes follows the same intense pattern with rich historical background, and similar to Shakespeare’s approach the Japanese director used his work to comment on the history of Japan. The movie that is under discussion is titled â€Å"Throne of blood† that is a transposition of a Shakespeare’s most renowned tragedy â€Å"Macbeth†. Both stories are not only intense political dramas but also gives great deal of insight into the psyche of a psychotic killer. (Goodwin, 1994) Akira Kurosawa has translated all aspects and themes of Macbeth into Japanese culture by setting the story against the backdrop of one of the most turbulent times in Japan that is often referred to as the â€Å"Sengoku Jidai† which means â€Å"The age of the country at war†. The events have been believed to have transpired during the Muromachi period, a time when the violation of the samurai code was rampant and a serious moral misconduct i n the Japanese society. Analogously, the backdrop of the machinations of a brave yet, misguided Scottish general named Macbeth, who is represented by Samurai Washizu in the film as he plots to gain control over the throne of the Spider web forest reigned by Lord Tsuzuki. (Galloway, 2005; Rowe, 2011; Yoshimoto, 2000) Kurosawa has incorporated elements of Noh Theater, which is the traditional Japanese theatrical presentation in the film. The movie also delves deep in to spiritual aspect of the movie in order to make it more relatable to the Japanese audiences and show the multitude of interpretations that can be drawn from Shakespearean text. The movie starts off by showing the facade of the Spider web castle, which highlights the primary theme of the story that is â€Å"lust and pursuit of power†. The supernatural elements are introduced into the first scene of the movie and unlike Macbeth the three witches are represented by an old ghost woman, spinning fabric with a wheel as Samurai Washizu and his companion Samurai Miki; who corresponds to the character of Banquo, are making their journey back to the castle through the forest. (Kunio, 2005) Kurosawa has used mist and fog as key elements of the opening shots in order to show the ambiguity and doubt that will haunt all the main characters in the movie. The misty visualization can also be taken to represent that superficial pursuit for greater wealth, power and position can cloud one’s judgment and often lead to an unsettled conscience constantly lambasting the individual. Another observation that further supports the postulation regarding the theme that Kurosawa wanted to incorporate in his movie was the use of â€Å"Spinning wheel† by the spirit that is a vague reference to the notion of karma and the belief of â€Å"what goes around comes around†. The movie’s production had commenced during a time when Japan was overcoming one of the greatest disaster that it has endured du ring the Second World War as a result of the nuclear bombing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It was the same carnage and violence that was then recreated in the movie with the use of intense shots of bloodshed and brutality that shows the ravages of war. Kurosawa has not only attempted to entail the bloody themes of Macbeth but also the painful tragedy that affected the entire Japanese society immensely. Furthermore, besides the generic message that the director has encompassed in the movie, the entry of Lady

Assignment Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 38

Assignment - Essay Example egal drinking age pushes teenager to drink in an uncontrolled, unsupervised environment and as a result, do so excessively, which is dangerous (Reid). This, he argues would be different if the drinking age would have been lowered to 18yrs. I tend to agree with Reid, especially on the fact that many Americans teenagers under 21 years are consuming alcohol, excessively, in uncontrolled, unsupervised environment; however, I also disagree with his assertion that lowering the drinking age will make teens drink responsibly and in excessively; these are habits that has nothing to do with legally set drinking age. Richard Keillin basically agrees with the assertion by Reid and argues further that teen/underage drinking is a major contributor to most problems faced by the youth since it is uncontrolled and as such teens fake ID’s, go to dangerous places and at times, deal with dangerous people in the quest of having access to alcohol. Basically Richard is entertaining the suggestion of lowering drinking since he alleges that many college and university heads wish to propose it, arguing that â€Å"lowering teen drinking may reduce the intensity of alcohol consumption in colleges†. In this regard, I concur with both Reid and Richard; most teenagers like doing that which is prohibited and thus lowering the drinking age might actually work towards lowering drinking among teenagers. This assertion is also advanced by the findings of a research by the National Institute of drug Abuse that found the high drinking age of 21 years a failure, since more than 70% of 12-13 years old 8th grad ers easily access drugs. However, Joseph Kolofano, on the other hand, totally disagrees with the idea of lowering drinking age to 18 years arguing that it would basically mean lowering to 16

Marketing Mix Project Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Marketing Mix Project - Essay Example Another important criterion that needs to be highlighted is that the target group has to be clearly examined. The price and the product provide some directions in recognizing the right audience. Choi, et al., (2014) defined marketing mix as the set of strategies that a company applies to promote and advertise its goods or services. It is the crux of marketing process. It has to be reviewed constantly to meet the changing requirements. The changes in the external environment and changes within the firm necessitate alterations in the mix. There are 4Ps which typically constitute a marketing mix. They are Place, Price, Promotion and Price. However, it has started including other Ps as well like positioning, people, packaging and politics. Nike, Inc. is a renowned designer and manufacturer of footwear, services, accessories, apparel and equipment. It is an American Multinational Corporation established in 1971. It was earlier founded by the name Blue Ribbon Sports by Bill Bowerman and Phil Knight (Gordon, 2012). Product mix is defined as the total variety of goods or services offered by the company. Nike Inc. provides a wide range of products like athletic footwear like running shoes, cleats and apparels that include jerseys, layered clothes, shorts, sports equipments for wide range of sports like baseball, tennis, ice hockey, soccer, cricket, basketball, golf, athletics, combat sports, cross training for men, women and children, etc (Huang & Sarigà ¶llà ¼, 2012). It also manufactures shoes for other outdoor sports and activities like cycling, volleyball, wrestling, cheerleading, auto racing, aquatic sports, etc. Apparels also include urban fashion clothing. The first line of shoes released by Nike, Inc. in 1987 was Nike Air Max. Air Huarache, an additional line of products, was introduced in 1992. The new lines of goods that are recently added are the Nike NYX, Nike 6.0 and Nike SB shoes especially designed for

The Development of Maiolica across Islam and Christian Cultures Research Paper

The Development of Maiolica across Islam and Christian Cultures - Research Paper Example Anthropology, and more importantly archaeology which is a sub-field of anthropology studies the material culture of human civilization. Pottery is one of the more important material possessions for studying ancient cultures because in areas where pottery is found ways exist to date the area, study the meanings of symbols by what is on the pottery, and to discover something about the way in which pottery represents the living culture of that society. Maiolica pottery exists across Islam and Christian cultures. Maiolica is tin-glazed earthenware ceramic that is made opaque because there is an addition of tin oxide in the lead glaze foundation or in its background coat. Lead is no longer used making ceramics because it is an unsafe product. Maiolica has a dense, white glassy covering which does not become liquid when fired. This means that the decorations do not become runny or blurred on the whitish background. When the ceramic piece is fired at a low temperature the decorations become set and the piece has a unique white glow that comes from the tin oxide in the lead glaze (Mussachio 9). Maiolica was transported to Pisa via Majorca, which is likely how the pottery got its name. It was brought in by the Spanish Moors who brought the technique to the Italians in about the 14th century. The first evidence of this technology comes from around the 9th century Baghdad. Islamic pottery of this type began to spread by the 11th century and was used in buildings that were both religious and civic (Figure 1). The Crusaders likely introduced the pottery in Europe as a symbol of their victory over the ‘pagans’.... Eventually this change in trend dominated the pottery market in Europe for more than three hundred years. Figure 1. Friday Mosque of Herat, Afghanistan (Wikipedia). The first complex intended for the production of maiolica was found in Syria from the 8th century BCE. Other centers of ceramic pottery production from Islamic nations include Fustat from 975 until 1075, Damascus from 1100 until 1600 and Tabriz from 1470 until 1550. The addition of the metallic luster occurred in about 850 BCE in Mesopotamia and became spread across the Islamic nations in the 10th century up to the Iberian Peninsula. This technique comes from putting copper or silver into the oxide which is then mixed with ocher and applied to the enameled or glazed surface (Fuga 246). The development of maiolica comes from Islamic attempts to reproduce Chinese porcelain, but they did not have the technology to make their pottery using the high temperatures needed to create porcelain (Cooper 84) (Figure 2). Figure 2 East Persian Maiolica, 10th Century (Wikipedia). The effect of tin-glaze over pottery was an adaptation of the Egyptian use of the clear glaze, but had been invented a thousand years earlier by the Babylonians who had only used it on top of their bricks as there is no evidence of it being used on ceramic pots (Cooper 86). One of the reasons that maiolica was used in Islam households was that the use of precious metals and finery on the table was forbidden from the text of the Qur’an. This use of ornate looking pieces made from ordinary materials overcame this command from the Islamic holy book (Italian Pottery Journal). Figure 3 Hispano-Moresque Maiolica 13th Century

Einstein- Rosen Essay Example for Free

Einstein- Rosen Essay According to physicists worm holes which are also referred to as bridge of Einstein- Rosen are space time topological features that primarily create shortcut through time and space. A wormhole has a minimum of two mouths linked together by a single throat. Matter travels from mouth to mouth through the connecting throat. Wormholes that are intra universe links locations universe, by simply bending the space time and by allowing travel between different locations of the universe at a faster rate than light could take in order to cover the same distance through the normal space (McElwee, Para 2). Wormhole theory has been proven through the use of radio waves which are capable of detecting the wormholes. The white hole theory helps to explain the wormhole theory. The white hole is opposite of the black hole, whereas the black hole eats matter up the white hole splits it up. The wormhole acts like a tunnel that connects the black hole to the white hole. Since the existence of black holes and white holes is proven by use of radio waves to detect them, then the wormholes also exists to link them through a tunnel (Sexton, Para 4). The wormholes are also commonly referred to as Schwarzschild wormholes; they are bridges which are merely theoretical between space areas that are speculated to be in between the white holes and the black holes linking two universes. They only exists in equations especially those of Einstein. According to the equations the wormholes are found to be very unstable and would in fact fall instantly, the moment they are created. Other speculation also exists explaining that quasars are in fact white holes and not black holes which are super massive (McElwee, Para 5). It is not possible for the wormholes to exist since it is in fact impossible for a traveler to pass through the wormholes since it is not possible to pass a horizon in single direction. If non exotic matter form the traveler, then the moment they reach at the middle of the wormhole then it is impossible to leave through the other side and again it is not possible to leave using the entry route since the entry side must have been a black hole, this therefore, means that nothing can manage to escape once it has entered into the radius of the Schwarzschild. Thus the wormholes do not exist and are only a fiction feature and they can only be proven by theories with no practical to prove their existence (Sexton, Para 5). Black holes are basically deformation of the continuum of space time that appears once there is an explosion of a star in the scale of supernova with its remains becoming the black holes and neutron of stars. The gravitational force pulling the black holes is very powerful and cannot even be withstood by thousands of sun’s masses. The white holes on the other hand are opposite to the black holes. Their work is to split matter into smaller pieces instead of eating as it is the case for the black holes (McElwee, Para 7). Theoretically the white holes are reverse to the black holes; their being is implied by a solution of square root which is taken to be negative of the metric to the Schwarzschild. This metric is basically based on the time symmetry of general relativity. This implies that the best definitions of white holes which can be taken to be technical are primarily black holes running in the reverse direction. This is location of space time which is not possible to reach instead of failing to escape (Kruglinski, Para 6). Conclusion The wormholes, black and white holes can only be explained theoretically even though it is possible to detect them by use of radio waves. Their existence therefore, remains theoretical as it is not supported by substantial practical evidence. But this cannot be taken to mean that they do not exist since more research work is being carried out and may be their existence might soon be revealed practically. Work cited: Kruglinski, Susan; Discover Interview the Man Who Imagined Wormholes and Schooled Hawking (2007): Retrieved on 3rd June 2009 from, http://discovermagazine. com/2007/nov/the-man-who-imagined-wormholes-and-schooled-hawking/article_view? b_start:int=2-C=. McElwee, Jim; Do wormholes exist? (2005): Retrieved on 3rd June 2009 from, http://www. unexplainable. net/artman/publish/article_2145. shtml. Sexton, Timothy; Do Wormholes Really Exist? (2009): Retrieved on 3rd June 2009 from, http://www. associatedcontent. com/article/1453128/do_wormholes_really_exist. html.

Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen

Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen The attention that clusters have received from policy makers and academics has substantially increased in the last 20 years. Since Porters seminal work on The Competitive Advantage of Nations (1990) presented clusters as one of the determinants of the international competitiveness of nations and regions, many scholars have adopted and further developed his approach. Porter bases his arguments on what he describes as the globalization paradox, pointing out that despite the logical implications that the globalisation process might have in dismissing the relevance of regional factors, the most competitive firms in world are located in groups geographically concentrated in specific locations. That perspective contributed to attracting attention to the existence of characteristics tied to a local context that could not be accessed by firms positioned elsewhere, and more, to the positive effects that the concentration and the geographic proximity could exert on the firms competitiveness. However influential, Porters ideas were not the precursor to discussing the competitive outcomes originating from the geographic concentration of firms (Martin and Sunley, 2003). The roots of cluster theory go back to the industrial districts identified by Marshall (1890), who offered the first detailed description about the economic and social systems created as a result of the spacial concentrations of industrial activities. The Marshallian industrial districts were arrangements of small firms interconnected by commercial operations (buyers and sellers) and other firms engaged in the same or similar activities, that shared productive factors, such as the labour market, infrastructure and tacit knowledge (Becattini, 2004, p. 68). According to Marshals descriptions, a group of firms operating in one specific sector within a well-defined, concentrated and relatively small geographic area would experience higher levels of productivity and innovation, indeed the emergence of a fertile e nvironment for technical and organisational developments. Thus the local characteristics would enable the emergence of an industrial atmosphere that would increase the firms potential to acquire (especially tacit) knowledge, and create positive external economies accessible only to the firms located within the district (Asheim, 2003, p. 416). That perspective tried to evidence that firms geographically concentrated could accesses restricted positive exogenous benefits (exogenous to firms, but endogenous to the district), which would be an alternative to the scale economies achieved by a single (integrated) firm. Additionally, following some of the seminal ideas proposed by Marshall, it is possible to observe a significant number of economic geographers that also explored regional development using the spatial economic agglomeration to support their ideas. Some examples of concepts emerging from that theoretical trend are regional innovation milieux (Crevoisier, 2004), neo-Marshallian nodes (Amin and Thrift, 1992) and learning regions (Asheim, 1995). More examples can be found in Markusen (1996, p. 297), in which another three different types of industrial districts are described according to the firms configurations, internal versus external orientations and governance structures: a hub-and-spoke industrial district, which is concentrated around one or more dominant firms; a satellite platform, formed by a group of unconnected branches embedded in external links; and the state-anchored district, concentrated on one or more public-sector institutions. Despite the logical and robust assumption s found in many of those concepts, their influence and dissemination were not as successful as the more general cluster framework proposed by Porter. Martin and Sunley (2003) attributes the successful dissemination of the Porter concepts to the very general descriptions and delimitations that encompass a wide range of actors and many different structures. Following much of the concepts proposed by Porter, the description of advantages conferred on clustered firms associated with a general and structured analytical framework stimulated the development and dissemination of academic studies and subsidized the creation of supply-side competitiveness policies directed at structuring and supporting the development of clusters (Pitelis, 2010). That fact resulted in what Martin and Sunley (2003) describe as a policy panacea in the use of clusters as a standard (sometimes the unique) target for promoting competitiveness, innovation and economic growth. Moreover, in the last 20 years an increasing number of empirical studies in different countries and sectors have been observed, which aim to identify and discuss the competitive outcomes originating from the concentration of firms and other actors in the same location, for example: Brazil à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" shoe manufacturing in the Sinos Valley (Schmitz, 2000); Spain à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the text ile and clothing industries in Catalonia (Porter, 1998); Taiwan à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" electronic products at the Hsinchu Science Park (Chen, 2008); and the United States à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" computer and information systems at the Silicon Valley (Saxenian, 1994). The large significant number of academic studies has resulted in a large number of definitions aiming to describe and establish an accepted cluster template (e.g., Enright, 1996; Swann and Prevezer, 1996, Rosenfeld, 1997; Porter, 1998) to support policy makers and academics has led to intense debates and controversial perspectives. Even though the concept of clusters has been increasingly widely disseminated and used by geographers, economists and policy makers, it has suffered from some conceptual confusion. Porter defines a cluster as a geographic concentration of interconnected companies, specialized suppliers, service providers firms in related industries, and associated institutions (for example, universities, standards agencies and trade associations) in particular fields that compete but also co-operate (1998, p. 197). However, Martin and Sunley (2003, p. 12) present consistent arguments that indicate the vagueness and superficiality of the concept proposed by Porter. Accordin g to their arguments, those characteristics make the concept of cluster means different things to different researchers and policy makers, creating problems for its proper use in the guidance of academics and governments. Those highly controversial aspects of the cluster theory have stimulated the continuous emergence of new concepts and definitions for clusters. Proposing a definition aiming to fill some of the gaps and failures found in extant cluster theory, Pitelis (2010, p. 5) defines clusters as geographical agglomerations of firms in particular, related, and/or complementary, activities, with a geographical dimension, that exhibit horizontal and/or vertical intra- and/or inter-sectoral linkages, which operate in the context of a facilitatory socio-institutional setting, and which co-operate and compete (co-opete) in inter-national markets. That definition tries offer to a more delimited approach that incorporates four major elements: geographical agglomeration, linkages, social-capital  [1]  and co-opetition (competition and cooperation). The use of those four elements in a single definition offers the possibility to cover the cluster characteristics using delimited criteria to identify and distinguish developed clusters from less complex geographical agglomerations of firms and institutions. Although it is possible to observe some level of ambiguity encompassing the clusters theory, the existence of links interconnecting local actors complemented by geographical dimensions constitute some of the main common points used to guide academics and policy makers with interesting by the competitive outcomes originating from clusters. Those characteristics have frequently been used as the starting point to understand the economic dynamics of clustered firms, putting emphasis on the levels of innovation and productivity emerging from the concentration of different actors in the same area. Suggesting conditional characteristics to the presence of competitive advantages obtained by firms inside clusters, Ketels (2004) considers that the positive economic effects originated from the geographical concentration will only take place if four critical characteristics are shared among firms and institutions: Proximity: they must be geographically close to allow the emergence of knowledge spillovers and to share the same common resources; Linkages: the necessity of similarities in their activities leading to the establishment of connections and synergies; Interactions: the social interactions developed among firms, clients, suppliers, research institutes, and so on, is what forms the social capital that becomes possible firms to achieve differentiated competitive performances; Critical mass: it is important to have a significant number of firms and institutions in order to create meaningful impacts on performance of the local actors. Those characteristics described by Ketels may be used to guide the identification and distinction between developed clusters (Pitelis, 2010) from incipient clusters (Schmitz, 1999) in order to dismiss some incorrect interpretations associated with the clusters dynamics. Considering that the presence of geographic concentration of firms in the same industry is strikingly common around the world (Porter, 1990, p.120), it is necessary the use of specific benchmarks to distinguish and classify different groups of firms geographically concentrated according to their specific characteristics (Gordon and McCann, 2000; Isbasoiu, 2006). Describing how the existence of local capabilities  [2]  create differentiated conditions for companies within real clusters, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) argue that clusters are essentially formed from path dependencies (Martin and Sunley, 2006), transaction costs economies (McCann and Sheppard, 2003) and small cognitive distances originating from spatial proximity (Maskell, 2001). Thus, that set of factors are expected to create a specific regional dynamics with influence on the firms economic performance. Taking into consideration the different stages of a cluster life cycle, and the misunderstandings related to the claims associated with the clusters and competitiveness, Schmitz points out that A group of small producers making the same or similar things in close vicinity to each other constitutes a cluster, but such concentration in itself brings few benefits (1999, p. 4), emphasizing that the mere presence of firms in a delimited area does not represent a source of value creat ion able to improve in a significant way the local economic performance. Following the arguments above, the differences between regional clusters and simple agglomerations (groups of firms) lie mainly on the interconnected nature and spatial proximity. Thus, clusters are characterized by intense collaborative networks and concentrations of collaboration and competition (co-opetitition) (Pitelis, 2010), conditions which offer significant opportunities and stimulate the emergence of regional competitive advantages (Steinle and Schiele, 2002). Complementarily, another critical characteristic observed within clusters is the diversity of actors. According to Porter (1990, 1998, 2000), an industrial cluster includes suppliers, consumers, related industries, governments, and supporting institutions such as universities. This way, the existence of a regional network formed by a significant group of interconnected local actors is one of the critical factors to understand the differentiated competitive performance of firms within clusters (Steinle and Schiele, 2002 ). Illustrating that argument, Saxenian (1994) observed that Hewlett Packard and other firms at the Silicon Valley had their performance improved by the development long-term partnerships with suppliers located geographically close. Moreover, based on that observation, Saxenian concluded that, especially in high-tech industries, the physical proximity represents a facilitator to the establishment of efficient collaborative arrangements required to create and manage complex products and services. 1.2 Evolutionary Stages of Industrial Clusters Despite the vast cluster literature, the number of academic works discussing the evolutionary patterns of clusters overtime is not so extensive. Some examples can be found in Pouder and John (1996), Klepper (2001, 2007), Wolter (2003) and Andersson et al., (2004), and despite the divergent perspectives, it is accepted that clusters follow a kind of life cycle comprised by different phases that significantly differ in their characteristics and influence on firms performance. Regarding the cluster dynamics, Pouder and John (1996) argue that comparative analysis between clustered and non-clustered firms during the industry life cycle reveal that firms within clusters outperform those geographically dispersed at the initial stages of development, and have a worse performance at its end. That fact suggests that the cluster life cycle is not just a local representation of the industry trajectory, but is a result from local peculiarities. The comparative analysis developed by Saxenian (1994 ) between the computer industry in Boston and Silicon Valley illustrates how different clusters belonging to the same industry are very likely to follow different trajectories (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). Proposing a different perspective, Klepper (2001, 2007) suggests a model to demonstrate how the clusters life cycle is determined by some the industry patterns. Klepper analyzed the automobile, tire and television industries and observed that at the beginning of the industry life cycle it was not possible to observe clear geographic concentrations of firms, with most of the firms spatially dispersed. He observed that in those industries clusters started to emerge and develop according to the industry growth rates. Klepper argues that the local characteristics originating from the spacial proximity (e.g., intensive spin-off process) give the stimulus for the geographic agglomeration of the whole industry, not only for specific groups. At the time the industry growth rate reduces, the attractiveness to remain agglomerated will also decrease and the industry will become dispersed again. That model proposed by Klepper represents a Technology-Product- Industry (TIP) life cycle. The logic behind this model is on the impact that the evolution of products and innovations has on the size, number, and location of firms. Wolter (2003) criticizes the model proposed by Klepper arguing that the growth rate cannot explain the agglomeration process in all industries on equal basis. Moreover, Wolter disagrees with the determinist perspective proposed by the TIP model, once it neglects that mature industries can be reinvented by radical or incremental innovations of new products and process. Analyzing the economic performance of firms within clusters Pouder and John (1996) attribute to the existence of mental models and biased cognitive focus the characteristics responsible for shaping the movement through the clusters life cycle. Following that perspective, at initial stages the cluster dynamics creates an innovative environment that exerts positive impacts on the firms performance. However, overtime that initial condition is eroded by strong institutional pressures that create a homogeneous macroculture that acts inhibiting the innovative capacity of the firms within the cluster. As in the model presented by Klepper (2001, 2007), that trajectory proposed by Pouder and John may also be criticized by the determinism that ignores the possibility of adaptations or reconfigurations in order to avoid lock-ins and other negative effects. Considering the arguments proposed by Menzel and Fornahl (2010, p. 8) that very few clusters follow a rigid life cycle from emergence to growth and decline, it is expected that clusters evolve overtime according to the local dynamics created by economic and social interactions among firms and institutions. That dynamics may be influenced, but not strictly determined by industry patterns (Wolter, 2003). Following a generic and stylized trajectory, within successful clusters the local network formed by inter-firm connections will tend to be intensified overtime, with an increasing number of formal and informal interactions between the long-established companies and new the ones attracted to the cluster. Even though it is more conceivable to assume that the decisions adopted by firms and institutions are shaped by specific circumstances, a generic trajectory can be described following the stages illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1: The cluster life cycle C:UsersLucasAppDataLocalMicrosoftWindowsTemporary Internet FilesContent.WordSem tÃÆ' ­tulo.jpg Source: Andersson et al. (2004, p. 43) Agglomeration: It is possible to observe the existence of a number of companies and other actors (e.g. banks, government agencies, universities, accountants, and lawyers offices) in a specific region working around the same or interrelated activities. Emerging cluster: Forming the embryo to the cluster some actors start to cooperation around some core activities, and start to realize the existence of common linkages. Developing cluster: The linkages are intensified by the emergence and attraction of new actors to the region, resulting in the creation of more interaction. In this context the development of inter-firm-cooperation becomes more evident through the development of joint efforts. The Mature cluster: This stage is configured by the presence of a certain critical mass of factors that consistently influence the competitive performance of the firms inside the cluster. The internal dynamics is characterized by the presence of an institutional environment, strong linkages, complementarities and the emergence of new firms through startups, joint ventures and spin-offs. Transformation: Indeed the process of continuous environmental change in markets, technologies, regulations and other process, to be successful a cluster have to innovate and adapt to these new conditions, other way stagnation and decay may affect the cluster dynamics. That process of change/adaptation may happen through the emergence of one or several interconnected clusters with focus in other activities, or by new configuration in terms of networks of firms and institutions. The presence of economic benefits for clustered firms described by authors like Schmitz and Nadvi (1999), Ketels (2004), Isbasoiu (2006) and Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) are closely related to the stage of development that a cluster is experiencing. For example, an emerging cluster is not actually a cluster, since the small number of firms is not expected to present a high level of linkages and do not form a critical mass. Moreover, the absence of strong interdependencies such as labour mobility, spin-off, socioeconomic networks and intense exchange of good and services prevent the emergence of local capabilities. Thus, same considering that this stage constitutes the embryo that determines the future cluster orientation, at this point the firms are not expected to be strongly influenced by a complex local dynamics. Observing that fact, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) present a skeptical position regarding the effectiveness of any competitiveness policy intended to stimulate the development of clusters at initial stages (agglomeration and emerging), since the existence of horizontal and vertical links among firms concentrated in the same region constitutes a very common fact around the world. Thus, it is almost impossible to distinguish agglomerations with real potential to become a cluster from less complex structures. Consequently, emerging clusters are almost always only described ex-post. After the initial stages of the clusters life cycle it is expected the development and intensification of interdependencies between firms within cluster boundaries (Press, 2006). Indeed the development of those interdependencies, firms start to resemble more with each other, being observe the emergence of convergent designs in terms of technological models (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010), specialized labour market (Cooke et al., 2007), production systems (Pitelis, 2010) and inter-firm relationships (Blien and Maier, 2008). Moreover, developing clusters also attract a high number of start-ups that act stimulating the intensification of intra-cluster relationships. This way, that process of convergence and expansion of the number of firms within the cluster boundaries culminates in the development of self-reinforcing external economies that decrease the heterogeneity among firms at the same time that creates benefits like transactions cost economies and the privileged access to local knowle dge. As clusters reach the stage of maturity, the standards and configurations originating from past decisions become consolidate and it is observed a reduction in the growth rate of firms attracted to the cluster (Klepper, 2007). At this point the cluster trajectory may take two different directions. Keep unchanged, and suffer with a homogenization process that creates bias economic activities and therefore prevent firms to adapt to external shocks (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). That situation traps firms in previous successful development path and lead to the geographic dispersion of the local actors and to the deterioration of the interdependencies and capabilities. The other possible trajectory is observed in clusters that reach the stage of maturity and successfully sustain the local dynamics by a continuous process of reconfiguration and adaptation to the external shocks (Wolter, 2003). 1.2 Clusters and Economic Performance The extant theory offers a wide range of explanations to justify the economic and competitive benefits experienced by firms located within clusters. Krugman (1991) stress the existence of increasing returns originating from the concentration of firms in the same area, arguing that the geographic proximity puts together the main parts related to firms activities (e.g., labours, firms, suppliers and costumers) resulting in transaction costs economies. Following other perspective, Schmitz and Nadvi (1999) argue that unintentional external economies are not sufficient to explain the competitiveness of firms located within clusters, attributing to the existence of deliberate joint actions (e.g., sharing equipments, associations, strategic alliances and producers improving components) a critical source of the competitive advantages. Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) explain the levels of competitiveness and productivity associated with clustered firms considering the existence of specialized hu man resources, infrastructure and befits associated with unit costs economies complemented by the presence of an institutional atmosphere. Stressing a different point of view, Bahlmann and Huysman (2008) adopts the knowledge-based view of clusters to emphasize the relevance of knowledge spillovers among the firms to explain the advantages originated from the agglomeration process. Dupuy and Torre (2006) explains the existence of cluster in terms of the advantages originating from trust relationships that increase confidence and reduce risk and uncertainty about the intra-cluster operations taking place among the firms. Moreover, Zyglidopoulos et al. (2003), describe the positive effects that the reputation of a cluster may exert on the internalization process of small and micro enterprises through the alleviation of strategic constraints associated with factors like qualified work force, financing and reduction of the firms legitimation expenses. Despite that wide range of arguments, the most traditional perspective found in the cluster literature has explained the competitive advantages of clusters in terms of productivity and innovation (Pitelis, 1998; Porter, 1998), suggesting that the special characteristics originated from the economic and geographic proximity have significant impact on those two factors. Supplementary, Enright (1998) considers that the characteristics present inside the clusters local environment result in pressures, incentives and capabilities that increase the firms competitiveness comparatively to dispersed competitors, explaining the clustering process in terms of geographically restricted characteristics. Moreover, Solvell et al. (2003) suggests that the competitive advantages emerging from regional clusters may be classified as static and dynamics. According to this perspective, while the agglomeration process triggered and sustained intensively or exclusively by factors like natural resources, low cost labors and government subsidies offers a vulnerable (easy to be copied, substituted or simple eroded by environmental changes) competitive position, clusters based on dynamics characteristics like multi-sectorial externalities, advantages of scale and scope and specific knowledge spillovers are more dynamics and competitive. Extending the arguments presented by Solvell and his colleagues, Andersson et al. (2004) considers that the sustainability of static and dynamic competitive advantages is not strictly determined, arguing that static factors are the main responsible for the emergence of clusters, while the dynamics factors are only developed along the different stages of the cluste r life cycle. Complementing the understanding about the influence of the cluster dynamics on the firms economic performance some authors like Porter (2001); Garnsey and Heffernan (2007); Karlsson (2008) and Mason (2008) describe the existence of a self-reinforcing process originating from the agglomeration externalities that contribute to create a regional virtuous-circle of increasing productivity, competitiveness and value creation. Following that argument, the economic and geographic proximity will stimulate firms to innovate more indeed benefits originating from local capabilities, which will stimulate even more the agglomeration process through the intensification of inter-firm relationships and the attraction of other firms from outside the cluster, which in turn will strength the local capabilities (Blandy, 2003, p. 101). Thus, the dynamics of clusters is expected to be self-reinforced by agglomeration benefits with significant influence on the firms performance. Putting together the arguments associated with the economic impacts experienced by clustered firms indeed the existence of local factors, it is possible to identify and describe the following positive location-specific externalities: Cost savings indeed the geographic proximity with specialized suppliers, labours and distributors; Knowledge-spillovers (intentional and unintentional), since firms inside clusters can benefit from the knowledge dissemination process that may take place especially through inter-firm cooperation, specific linkages and labour mobility; Deliberate joint actions facilitated by the engagement in alliances and partnerships to achieve strategic objectives; Trust relationships, that through the geographic and economic proximity minimize the uncertainty associated with commercial operations, resulting in transactions costs economies; Pressures for higher performance, stimulated by the proximity with competitors; Specific Infrastructure and public goods that are oriented to attend the cluster demands, like roads, ports, laboratories and telecommunication networks; Complementarities, associated with firms in different activities but sharing common factors like raw material, clients and technologies that may enhance the cluster efficiency as whole. Discussing the role of regional clusters in shaping competitive patterns, Tallman et al. (2004) proposes a distinction between the types of competitive advantages emerging from clustered firms: based on traded interdependencies and based on untraded interdependencies. The concept of traded interdependencies is related to the existence of inter-firm transactions inside the cluster, and is observed in formal exchange operations that may take place in form of alliances, commercial operations and acquisitions. On the other hand, untraded interdependencies are related to less tangible effects, and are based on shared knowledge for which no market mechanism exists; with no formal exchange of value for value (Tallman et al. 2004, p. 261). To illustrate the mechanisms by which the untraded interdependencies take place, it is possible to mention unintentional external economies associated with tacit knowledge shared through mechanisms like labor mobility. Those different types of interdependencies, especially untraded, present at the cluster level, represent a source of competitive advantage that is likely to be causal ambiguous (for firms inside and outside the cluster) and high complex in terms of their origins, what consequently constitutes attributes difficult to be replicated by competitors. However, the presence of untraded effects, especially unintentional knowledge spillovers, is viewed Enright (1998) as a constraining factor for firms within clusters, since the establishment of an efficient information flow may limit the firms capacity to obtain monopoly profits from the development of innovations. Complementing the negative effects originating from the clusters dynamics, some authors also describe agglomeration diseconomies that have a negative impact firms located within clusters. For example, congestion effects (Arthur, 1990), institutional sclerosis (Pouder and John, 1996; Pitelis, 2010), rigidities associated with labour mobility and natural resources (Krugman, 1989) and pollution (Fan and Scott, 2003). This way, the dynamics and performance of a cluster is determined by the interplay between positive and negative externalities observed during the different stages of development that a cluster is expected to pass overtime (Wolter, 2003) Limitations in the Cluster Theory Notwithstanding the advances in the cluster theory some questions still remain insufficiently explored. One of the main limitations observed in the current state of the cluster literature is the lack of comparative perspectives to explain the advantages and disadvantages of clusters relatively to other alternative models of organization of economic activities. In his very novel approach, Pitelis (2010) suggests that any perspective trying to explain clusters in terms of absolute advantages is at the very best incomplete. In this context, Pitelis proposes the comparison of clusters vis-ÃÆ'  -vis to markets and hierarchies in order to understand the reasons and conditions that lead firms to engage in intra-clusters relationships, market operations (outside the cluster) or integrate within the firms hierarchy. In fact it is not necessary a great effort to conclude that most of the cluster theory has been developed following a mono-institutional approach (e.g. Porter, 1990, 1998; Saxe nian, 1994; Rosenfeld, 1998; Swann and Sennett, 1998; Schmitz and Nadvi, 1999), while some few exceptions concentrated on transactions costs (e.g. Fujita and Thisse, 1996; Iammarino and McCann, 2006; Takeda et al., 2008) and knowledge creation efficiency (e.g. Hendry et al., 2000; Tracey and Clark, 2003; Reinau, 2007; Kongmanila and Takahashi, 2009) have been drawn on a comparative approaches between clusters and open-market operations. Assuming the arguments proposed by many scholars that clusters are engines of innovation (Davis, 2006, p. 32), the lack of comparative perspectives do not answer the question why clusters are more efficient than markets or the hierarchy to improve the firms innovative capacity (Pitelis, 2010). Thus, despite the wide number of ramifications observed in the cluster theory such as innovative efficiency, productivity, social capital and social interactions, its explicative power remains almost always restricted Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen Inter Firm Relationships in the Silicon Fen The attention that clusters have received from policy makers and academics has substantially increased in the last 20 years. Since Porters seminal work on The Competitive Advantage of Nations (1990) presented clusters as one of the determinants of the international competitiveness of nations and regions, many scholars have adopted and further developed his approach. Porter bases his arguments on what he describes as the globalization paradox, pointing out that despite the logical implications that the globalisation process might have in dismissing the relevance of regional factors, the most competitive firms in world are located in groups geographically concentrated in specific locations. That perspective contributed to attracting attention to the existence of characteristics tied to a local context that could not be accessed by firms positioned elsewhere, and more, to the positive effects that the concentration and the geographic proximity could exert on the firms competitiveness. However influential, Porters ideas were not the precursor to discussing the competitive outcomes originating from the geographic concentration of firms (Martin and Sunley, 2003). The roots of cluster theory go back to the industrial districts identified by Marshall (1890), who offered the first detailed description about the economic and social systems created as a result of the spacial concentrations of industrial activities. The Marshallian industrial districts were arrangements of small firms interconnected by commercial operations (buyers and sellers) and other firms engaged in the same or similar activities, that shared productive factors, such as the labour market, infrastructure and tacit knowledge (Becattini, 2004, p. 68). According to Marshals descriptions, a group of firms operating in one specific sector within a well-defined, concentrated and relatively small geographic area would experience higher levels of productivity and innovation, indeed the emergence of a fertile e nvironment for technical and organisational developments. Thus the local characteristics would enable the emergence of an industrial atmosphere that would increase the firms potential to acquire (especially tacit) knowledge, and create positive external economies accessible only to the firms located within the district (Asheim, 2003, p. 416). That perspective tried to evidence that firms geographically concentrated could accesses restricted positive exogenous benefits (exogenous to firms, but endogenous to the district), which would be an alternative to the scale economies achieved by a single (integrated) firm. Additionally, following some of the seminal ideas proposed by Marshall, it is possible to observe a significant number of economic geographers that also explored regional development using the spatial economic agglomeration to support their ideas. Some examples of concepts emerging from that theoretical trend are regional innovation milieux (Crevoisier, 2004), neo-Marshallian nodes (Amin and Thrift, 1992) and learning regions (Asheim, 1995). More examples can be found in Markusen (1996, p. 297), in which another three different types of industrial districts are described according to the firms configurations, internal versus external orientations and governance structures: a hub-and-spoke industrial district, which is concentrated around one or more dominant firms; a satellite platform, formed by a group of unconnected branches embedded in external links; and the state-anchored district, concentrated on one or more public-sector institutions. Despite the logical and robust assumption s found in many of those concepts, their influence and dissemination were not as successful as the more general cluster framework proposed by Porter. Martin and Sunley (2003) attributes the successful dissemination of the Porter concepts to the very general descriptions and delimitations that encompass a wide range of actors and many different structures. Following much of the concepts proposed by Porter, the description of advantages conferred on clustered firms associated with a general and structured analytical framework stimulated the development and dissemination of academic studies and subsidized the creation of supply-side competitiveness policies directed at structuring and supporting the development of clusters (Pitelis, 2010). That fact resulted in what Martin and Sunley (2003) describe as a policy panacea in the use of clusters as a standard (sometimes the unique) target for promoting competitiveness, innovation and economic growth. Moreover, in the last 20 years an increasing number of empirical studies in different countries and sectors have been observed, which aim to identify and discuss the competitive outcomes originating from the concentration of firms and other actors in the same location, for example: Brazil à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" shoe manufacturing in the Sinos Valley (Schmitz, 2000); Spain à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the text ile and clothing industries in Catalonia (Porter, 1998); Taiwan à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" electronic products at the Hsinchu Science Park (Chen, 2008); and the United States à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" computer and information systems at the Silicon Valley (Saxenian, 1994). The large significant number of academic studies has resulted in a large number of definitions aiming to describe and establish an accepted cluster template (e.g., Enright, 1996; Swann and Prevezer, 1996, Rosenfeld, 1997; Porter, 1998) to support policy makers and academics has led to intense debates and controversial perspectives. Even though the concept of clusters has been increasingly widely disseminated and used by geographers, economists and policy makers, it has suffered from some conceptual confusion. Porter defines a cluster as a geographic concentration of interconnected companies, specialized suppliers, service providers firms in related industries, and associated institutions (for example, universities, standards agencies and trade associations) in particular fields that compete but also co-operate (1998, p. 197). However, Martin and Sunley (2003, p. 12) present consistent arguments that indicate the vagueness and superficiality of the concept proposed by Porter. Accordin g to their arguments, those characteristics make the concept of cluster means different things to different researchers and policy makers, creating problems for its proper use in the guidance of academics and governments. Those highly controversial aspects of the cluster theory have stimulated the continuous emergence of new concepts and definitions for clusters. Proposing a definition aiming to fill some of the gaps and failures found in extant cluster theory, Pitelis (2010, p. 5) defines clusters as geographical agglomerations of firms in particular, related, and/or complementary, activities, with a geographical dimension, that exhibit horizontal and/or vertical intra- and/or inter-sectoral linkages, which operate in the context of a facilitatory socio-institutional setting, and which co-operate and compete (co-opete) in inter-national markets. That definition tries offer to a more delimited approach that incorporates four major elements: geographical agglomeration, linkages, social-capital  [1]  and co-opetition (competition and cooperation). The use of those four elements in a single definition offers the possibility to cover the cluster characteristics using delimited criteria to identify and distinguish developed clusters from less complex geographical agglomerations of firms and institutions. Although it is possible to observe some level of ambiguity encompassing the clusters theory, the existence of links interconnecting local actors complemented by geographical dimensions constitute some of the main common points used to guide academics and policy makers with interesting by the competitive outcomes originating from clusters. Those characteristics have frequently been used as the starting point to understand the economic dynamics of clustered firms, putting emphasis on the levels of innovation and productivity emerging from the concentration of different actors in the same area. Suggesting conditional characteristics to the presence of competitive advantages obtained by firms inside clusters, Ketels (2004) considers that the positive economic effects originated from the geographical concentration will only take place if four critical characteristics are shared among firms and institutions: Proximity: they must be geographically close to allow the emergence of knowledge spillovers and to share the same common resources; Linkages: the necessity of similarities in their activities leading to the establishment of connections and synergies; Interactions: the social interactions developed among firms, clients, suppliers, research institutes, and so on, is what forms the social capital that becomes possible firms to achieve differentiated competitive performances; Critical mass: it is important to have a significant number of firms and institutions in order to create meaningful impacts on performance of the local actors. Those characteristics described by Ketels may be used to guide the identification and distinction between developed clusters (Pitelis, 2010) from incipient clusters (Schmitz, 1999) in order to dismiss some incorrect interpretations associated with the clusters dynamics. Considering that the presence of geographic concentration of firms in the same industry is strikingly common around the world (Porter, 1990, p.120), it is necessary the use of specific benchmarks to distinguish and classify different groups of firms geographically concentrated according to their specific characteristics (Gordon and McCann, 2000; Isbasoiu, 2006). Describing how the existence of local capabilities  [2]  create differentiated conditions for companies within real clusters, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) argue that clusters are essentially formed from path dependencies (Martin and Sunley, 2006), transaction costs economies (McCann and Sheppard, 2003) and small cognitive distances originating from spatial proximity (Maskell, 2001). Thus, that set of factors are expected to create a specific regional dynamics with influence on the firms economic performance. Taking into consideration the different stages of a cluster life cycle, and the misunderstandings related to the claims associated with the clusters and competitiveness, Schmitz points out that A group of small producers making the same or similar things in close vicinity to each other constitutes a cluster, but such concentration in itself brings few benefits (1999, p. 4), emphasizing that the mere presence of firms in a delimited area does not represent a source of value creat ion able to improve in a significant way the local economic performance. Following the arguments above, the differences between regional clusters and simple agglomerations (groups of firms) lie mainly on the interconnected nature and spatial proximity. Thus, clusters are characterized by intense collaborative networks and concentrations of collaboration and competition (co-opetitition) (Pitelis, 2010), conditions which offer significant opportunities and stimulate the emergence of regional competitive advantages (Steinle and Schiele, 2002). Complementarily, another critical characteristic observed within clusters is the diversity of actors. According to Porter (1990, 1998, 2000), an industrial cluster includes suppliers, consumers, related industries, governments, and supporting institutions such as universities. This way, the existence of a regional network formed by a significant group of interconnected local actors is one of the critical factors to understand the differentiated competitive performance of firms within clusters (Steinle and Schiele, 2002 ). Illustrating that argument, Saxenian (1994) observed that Hewlett Packard and other firms at the Silicon Valley had their performance improved by the development long-term partnerships with suppliers located geographically close. Moreover, based on that observation, Saxenian concluded that, especially in high-tech industries, the physical proximity represents a facilitator to the establishment of efficient collaborative arrangements required to create and manage complex products and services. 1.2 Evolutionary Stages of Industrial Clusters Despite the vast cluster literature, the number of academic works discussing the evolutionary patterns of clusters overtime is not so extensive. Some examples can be found in Pouder and John (1996), Klepper (2001, 2007), Wolter (2003) and Andersson et al., (2004), and despite the divergent perspectives, it is accepted that clusters follow a kind of life cycle comprised by different phases that significantly differ in their characteristics and influence on firms performance. Regarding the cluster dynamics, Pouder and John (1996) argue that comparative analysis between clustered and non-clustered firms during the industry life cycle reveal that firms within clusters outperform those geographically dispersed at the initial stages of development, and have a worse performance at its end. That fact suggests that the cluster life cycle is not just a local representation of the industry trajectory, but is a result from local peculiarities. The comparative analysis developed by Saxenian (1994 ) between the computer industry in Boston and Silicon Valley illustrates how different clusters belonging to the same industry are very likely to follow different trajectories (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). Proposing a different perspective, Klepper (2001, 2007) suggests a model to demonstrate how the clusters life cycle is determined by some the industry patterns. Klepper analyzed the automobile, tire and television industries and observed that at the beginning of the industry life cycle it was not possible to observe clear geographic concentrations of firms, with most of the firms spatially dispersed. He observed that in those industries clusters started to emerge and develop according to the industry growth rates. Klepper argues that the local characteristics originating from the spacial proximity (e.g., intensive spin-off process) give the stimulus for the geographic agglomeration of the whole industry, not only for specific groups. At the time the industry growth rate reduces, the attractiveness to remain agglomerated will also decrease and the industry will become dispersed again. That model proposed by Klepper represents a Technology-Product- Industry (TIP) life cycle. The logic behind this model is on the impact that the evolution of products and innovations has on the size, number, and location of firms. Wolter (2003) criticizes the model proposed by Klepper arguing that the growth rate cannot explain the agglomeration process in all industries on equal basis. Moreover, Wolter disagrees with the determinist perspective proposed by the TIP model, once it neglects that mature industries can be reinvented by radical or incremental innovations of new products and process. Analyzing the economic performance of firms within clusters Pouder and John (1996) attribute to the existence of mental models and biased cognitive focus the characteristics responsible for shaping the movement through the clusters life cycle. Following that perspective, at initial stages the cluster dynamics creates an innovative environment that exerts positive impacts on the firms performance. However, overtime that initial condition is eroded by strong institutional pressures that create a homogeneous macroculture that acts inhibiting the innovative capacity of the firms within the cluster. As in the model presented by Klepper (2001, 2007), that trajectory proposed by Pouder and John may also be criticized by the determinism that ignores the possibility of adaptations or reconfigurations in order to avoid lock-ins and other negative effects. Considering the arguments proposed by Menzel and Fornahl (2010, p. 8) that very few clusters follow a rigid life cycle from emergence to growth and decline, it is expected that clusters evolve overtime according to the local dynamics created by economic and social interactions among firms and institutions. That dynamics may be influenced, but not strictly determined by industry patterns (Wolter, 2003). Following a generic and stylized trajectory, within successful clusters the local network formed by inter-firm connections will tend to be intensified overtime, with an increasing number of formal and informal interactions between the long-established companies and new the ones attracted to the cluster. Even though it is more conceivable to assume that the decisions adopted by firms and institutions are shaped by specific circumstances, a generic trajectory can be described following the stages illustrated in Figure 1. Figure 1: The cluster life cycle C:UsersLucasAppDataLocalMicrosoftWindowsTemporary Internet FilesContent.WordSem tÃÆ' ­tulo.jpg Source: Andersson et al. (2004, p. 43) Agglomeration: It is possible to observe the existence of a number of companies and other actors (e.g. banks, government agencies, universities, accountants, and lawyers offices) in a specific region working around the same or interrelated activities. Emerging cluster: Forming the embryo to the cluster some actors start to cooperation around some core activities, and start to realize the existence of common linkages. Developing cluster: The linkages are intensified by the emergence and attraction of new actors to the region, resulting in the creation of more interaction. In this context the development of inter-firm-cooperation becomes more evident through the development of joint efforts. The Mature cluster: This stage is configured by the presence of a certain critical mass of factors that consistently influence the competitive performance of the firms inside the cluster. The internal dynamics is characterized by the presence of an institutional environment, strong linkages, complementarities and the emergence of new firms through startups, joint ventures and spin-offs. Transformation: Indeed the process of continuous environmental change in markets, technologies, regulations and other process, to be successful a cluster have to innovate and adapt to these new conditions, other way stagnation and decay may affect the cluster dynamics. That process of change/adaptation may happen through the emergence of one or several interconnected clusters with focus in other activities, or by new configuration in terms of networks of firms and institutions. The presence of economic benefits for clustered firms described by authors like Schmitz and Nadvi (1999), Ketels (2004), Isbasoiu (2006) and Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) are closely related to the stage of development that a cluster is experiencing. For example, an emerging cluster is not actually a cluster, since the small number of firms is not expected to present a high level of linkages and do not form a critical mass. Moreover, the absence of strong interdependencies such as labour mobility, spin-off, socioeconomic networks and intense exchange of good and services prevent the emergence of local capabilities. Thus, same considering that this stage constitutes the embryo that determines the future cluster orientation, at this point the firms are not expected to be strongly influenced by a complex local dynamics. Observing that fact, Menzel and Fornahl (2010) present a skeptical position regarding the effectiveness of any competitiveness policy intended to stimulate the development of clusters at initial stages (agglomeration and emerging), since the existence of horizontal and vertical links among firms concentrated in the same region constitutes a very common fact around the world. Thus, it is almost impossible to distinguish agglomerations with real potential to become a cluster from less complex structures. Consequently, emerging clusters are almost always only described ex-post. After the initial stages of the clusters life cycle it is expected the development and intensification of interdependencies between firms within cluster boundaries (Press, 2006). Indeed the development of those interdependencies, firms start to resemble more with each other, being observe the emergence of convergent designs in terms of technological models (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010), specialized labour market (Cooke et al., 2007), production systems (Pitelis, 2010) and inter-firm relationships (Blien and Maier, 2008). Moreover, developing clusters also attract a high number of start-ups that act stimulating the intensification of intra-cluster relationships. This way, that process of convergence and expansion of the number of firms within the cluster boundaries culminates in the development of self-reinforcing external economies that decrease the heterogeneity among firms at the same time that creates benefits like transactions cost economies and the privileged access to local knowle dge. As clusters reach the stage of maturity, the standards and configurations originating from past decisions become consolidate and it is observed a reduction in the growth rate of firms attracted to the cluster (Klepper, 2007). At this point the cluster trajectory may take two different directions. Keep unchanged, and suffer with a homogenization process that creates bias economic activities and therefore prevent firms to adapt to external shocks (Menzel and Fornahl, 2010). That situation traps firms in previous successful development path and lead to the geographic dispersion of the local actors and to the deterioration of the interdependencies and capabilities. The other possible trajectory is observed in clusters that reach the stage of maturity and successfully sustain the local dynamics by a continuous process of reconfiguration and adaptation to the external shocks (Wolter, 2003). 1.2 Clusters and Economic Performance The extant theory offers a wide range of explanations to justify the economic and competitive benefits experienced by firms located within clusters. Krugman (1991) stress the existence of increasing returns originating from the concentration of firms in the same area, arguing that the geographic proximity puts together the main parts related to firms activities (e.g., labours, firms, suppliers and costumers) resulting in transaction costs economies. Following other perspective, Schmitz and Nadvi (1999) argue that unintentional external economies are not sufficient to explain the competitiveness of firms located within clusters, attributing to the existence of deliberate joint actions (e.g., sharing equipments, associations, strategic alliances and producers improving components) a critical source of the competitive advantages. Pitelis and Pseiridis (2006) explain the levels of competitiveness and productivity associated with clustered firms considering the existence of specialized hu man resources, infrastructure and befits associated with unit costs economies complemented by the presence of an institutional atmosphere. Stressing a different point of view, Bahlmann and Huysman (2008) adopts the knowledge-based view of clusters to emphasize the relevance of knowledge spillovers among the firms to explain the advantages originated from the agglomeration process. Dupuy and Torre (2006) explains the existence of cluster in terms of the advantages originating from trust relationships that increase confidence and reduce risk and uncertainty about the intra-cluster operations taking place among the firms. Moreover, Zyglidopoulos et al. (2003), describe the positive effects that the reputation of a cluster may exert on the internalization process of small and micro enterprises through the alleviation of strategic constraints associated with factors like qualified work force, financing and reduction of the firms legitimation expenses. Despite that wide range of arguments, the most traditional perspective found in the cluster literature has explained the competitive advantages of clusters in terms of productivity and innovation (Pitelis, 1998; Porter, 1998), suggesting that the special characteristics originated from the economic and geographic proximity have significant impact on those two factors. Supplementary, Enright (1998) considers that the characteristics present inside the clusters local environment result in pressures, incentives and capabilities that increase the firms competitiveness comparatively to dispersed competitors, explaining the clustering process in terms of geographically restricted characteristics. Moreover, Solvell et al. (2003) suggests that the competitive advantages emerging from regional clusters may be classified as static and dynamics. According to this perspective, while the agglomeration process triggered and sustained intensively or exclusively by factors like natural resources, low cost labors and government subsidies offers a vulnerable (easy to be copied, substituted or simple eroded by environmental changes) competitive position, clusters based on dynamics characteristics like multi-sectorial externalities, advantages of scale and scope and specific knowledge spillovers are more dynamics and competitive. Extending the arguments presented by Solvell and his colleagues, Andersson et al. (2004) considers that the sustainability of static and dynamic competitive advantages is not strictly determined, arguing that static factors are the main responsible for the emergence of clusters, while the dynamics factors are only developed along the different stages of the cluste r life cycle. Complementing the understanding about the influence of the cluster dynamics on the firms economic performance some authors like Porter (2001); Garnsey and Heffernan (2007); Karlsson (2008) and Mason (2008) describe the existence of a self-reinforcing process originating from the agglomeration externalities that contribute to create a regional virtuous-circle of increasing productivity, competitiveness and value creation. Following that argument, the economic and geographic proximity will stimulate firms to innovate more indeed benefits originating from local capabilities, which will stimulate even more the agglomeration process through the intensification of inter-firm relationships and the attraction of other firms from outside the cluster, which in turn will strength the local capabilities (Blandy, 2003, p. 101). Thus, the dynamics of clusters is expected to be self-reinforced by agglomeration benefits with significant influence on the firms performance. Putting together the arguments associated with the economic impacts experienced by clustered firms indeed the existence of local factors, it is possible to identify and describe the following positive location-specific externalities: Cost savings indeed the geographic proximity with specialized suppliers, labours and distributors; Knowledge-spillovers (intentional and unintentional), since firms inside clusters can benefit from the knowledge dissemination process that may take place especially through inter-firm cooperation, specific linkages and labour mobility; Deliberate joint actions facilitated by the engagement in alliances and partnerships to achieve strategic objectives; Trust relationships, that through the geographic and economic proximity minimize the uncertainty associated with commercial operations, resulting in transactions costs economies; Pressures for higher performance, stimulated by the proximity with competitors; Specific Infrastructure and public goods that are oriented to attend the cluster demands, like roads, ports, laboratories and telecommunication networks; Complementarities, associated with firms in different activities but sharing common factors like raw material, clients and technologies that may enhance the cluster efficiency as whole. Discussing the role of regional clusters in shaping competitive patterns, Tallman et al. (2004) proposes a distinction between the types of competitive advantages emerging from clustered firms: based on traded interdependencies and based on untraded interdependencies. The concept of traded interdependencies is related to the existence of inter-firm transactions inside the cluster, and is observed in formal exchange operations that may take place in form of alliances, commercial operations and acquisitions. On the other hand, untraded interdependencies are related to less tangible effects, and are based on shared knowledge for which no market mechanism exists; with no formal exchange of value for value (Tallman et al. 2004, p. 261). To illustrate the mechanisms by which the untraded interdependencies take place, it is possible to mention unintentional external economies associated with tacit knowledge shared through mechanisms like labor mobility. Those different types of interdependencies, especially untraded, present at the cluster level, represent a source of competitive advantage that is likely to be causal ambiguous (for firms inside and outside the cluster) and high complex in terms of their origins, what consequently constitutes attributes difficult to be replicated by competitors. However, the presence of untraded effects, especially unintentional knowledge spillovers, is viewed Enright (1998) as a constraining factor for firms within clusters, since the establishment of an efficient information flow may limit the firms capacity to obtain monopoly profits from the development of innovations. Complementing the negative effects originating from the clusters dynamics, some authors also describe agglomeration diseconomies that have a negative impact firms located within clusters. For example, congestion effects (Arthur, 1990), institutional sclerosis (Pouder and John, 1996; Pitelis, 2010), rigidities associated with labour mobility and natural resources (Krugman, 1989) and pollution (Fan and Scott, 2003). This way, the dynamics and performance of a cluster is determined by the interplay between positive and negative externalities observed during the different stages of development that a cluster is expected to pass overtime (Wolter, 2003) Limitations in the Cluster Theory Notwithstanding the advances in the cluster theory some questions still remain insufficiently explored. One of the main limitations observed in the current state of the cluster literature is the lack of comparative perspectives to explain the advantages and disadvantages of clusters relatively to other alternative models of organization of economic activities. In his very novel approach, Pitelis (2010) suggests that any perspective trying to explain clusters in terms of absolute advantages is at the very best incomplete. In this context, Pitelis proposes the comparison of clusters vis-ÃÆ'  -vis to markets and hierarchies in order to understand the reasons and conditions that lead firms to engage in intra-clusters relationships, market operations (outside the cluster) or integrate within the firms hierarchy. In fact it is not necessary a great effort to conclude that most of the cluster theory has been developed following a mono-institutional approach (e.g. Porter, 1990, 1998; Saxe nian, 1994; Rosenfeld, 1998; Swann and Sennett, 1998; Schmitz and Nadvi, 1999), while some few exceptions concentrated on transactions costs (e.g. Fujita and Thisse, 1996; Iammarino and McCann, 2006; Takeda et al., 2008) and knowledge creation efficiency (e.g. Hendry et al., 2000; Tracey and Clark, 2003; Reinau, 2007; Kongmanila and Takahashi, 2009) have been drawn on a comparative approaches between clusters and open-market operations. Assuming the arguments proposed by many scholars that clusters are engines of innovation (Davis, 2006, p. 32), the lack of comparative perspectives do not answer the question why clusters are more efficient than markets or the hierarchy to improve the firms innovative capacity (Pitelis, 2010). Thus, despite the wide number of ramifications observed in the cluster theory such as innovative efficiency, productivity, social capital and social interactions, its explicative power remains almost always restricted